March Market Insights: From Trump’s Demands to Canada’s Destiny

Charting a new course in a shifting world order

“A statesman must wait and listen until he hears the steps of God sounding through events; then leap up and grasp the hem of his garment.” – Otto von Bismarck

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Bismarck’s 19th-century declaration about the changing realities of geopolitics resonates today as the global economic order undergoes seismic shifts. For decades, Canada and the U.S. have shared a mutually beneficial trade relationship, underpinned by the post-Second World War framework of free trade agreements and multilateral cooperation.

However, Donald Trump’s presidency revealed cracks in this foundation. His aggressive demands on Canada—spanning energy, agricultural reforms, and trade concessions— were not merely a reflection of his leadership style. They highlighted a deeper truth: that the modern global trade system is not only in decline, it’s broken.

Investors must recognize that the cornerstone to Trump’s success lies in achieving world peace; a peace dividend is essential for him to fulfill his agenda. Solutions to conflicts in Ukraine and Gaza, along with a “Grand Bargain” with President Xi of China, are far more crucial than engaging in a trade war. Investors need to separate the signal from the noise.

As we confront this reality, it becomes clear that Trump was not the cause of these changes, but rather a forcing function. The global order established at Bretton Woods in 1944 is broken, and significant adjustments are needed—something that has been necessary for some time now. The framework built on British economist David Ricardo’s theory of comparative advantage is faltering under the weight of mercantilist policies, rising debt, unfunded liabilities, aging populations and shifting geopolitical priorities. For Canada, this moment presents both a challenge and an opportunity. By understanding the global context and embracing structural reforms, Canada can position itself for renewed prosperity in an evolving world. The critical question is not just what Trump wants from Canada, but what Canada envisions for itself in this new era.

The end of comparative advantage

Ricardo’s theory has long been the cornerstone of global trade. The idea that nations should specialize in producing goods where they have a relative efficiency advantage created an interconnected world where trade flourished. After the Second World War, this principle was institutionalized through agreements like the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), which aimed to reduce trade barriers and promote economic interdependence.

However, this system is unravelling. Major players like China have embraced mercantilist practices— prioritizing exports while protecting domestic markets through subsidies and tariffs. The U.S., once the champion of free trade, has increasingly turned inward, focusing on reshoring industries and imposing tariffs to protect its economy. In this environment, Ricardo’s vision no longer holds sway. Instead of mutual benefit through specialization, nations are now locked in zero-sum competition.

For Canada, this shift is particularly significant. As a mid-sized economy heavily reliant on exports to the U.S., it must navigate a world where traditional trade rules no longer apply. This will require a transition to self-sufficiency and diversification of its clients, while recognizing the advantages of integrating further into the U.S. economy.

The U.S. debt crisis: A catalyst for change

One of the most pressing factors reshaping global trade is the U.S.’s fiscal situation. In 2024, U.S. interest payments on national debt surpassed military spending for the first time—US$950 billion compared to US$826 billion. This milestone highlights a troubling reality: America’s fiscal trajectory is unsustainable. Historians often view such moments as signs of imperial decline; when interest payments exceed national defence spending, economic power begins to wane.

The implications for Canada are significant. As the U.S. grapples with its debt crisis, it will likely prioritize domestic stability over international commitments. This could lead to reduced military spending, less investment in global institutions, and increased pressure on allies like Canada to take on more responsibility, both economically and geopolitically.

Canada must recognize that there is no more “kicking the can down the road.” The post-Second World War system, which John Maynard Keynes warned about at Bretton Woods—a system reliant on American financial dominance—is no longer sustainable. Structural change is inevitable. Investors should take note that both Trump and U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio have explicitly stated that the Canadian banking industry is not a level playing field. As we enter a new era, regulated industries will be scrutinized.

This is not business as usual, and investors should view the current environment through a geo-strategic lens, recognizing that opportunities for deals are emerging. Fears of a trade war may be misplaced and often serve as negotiation tactics. With only 14 per cent of goods and services in the U.S. imported, tariffs are not inherently inflationary. While they may change relative prices, basic economic theory does not support the inflation claims made by the U.S. Federal Reserve. The real question is why the Federal Reserve is ignoring these principles. As I’ve noted before, the central bank may represent the last bastion of progressive left economic thought. Yet, the Overton window is shifting back toward the centre evidenced by even Mr. Xi embracing the private sector.

The global context: A redefinition of trade

The changes facing Canada cannot be understood in isolation—they are part of a broader redefinition of global trade. After the Second World War, international commerce was driven by technological advances that reduced transaction costs. This led to unprecedented growth in intra-industry trade (e.g., exchanging auto parts between countries) rather than inter-industry trade (e.g., machines for wool).

Today, however, globalization is fragmenting as nations prioritize self-sufficiency over interdependence. Supply chain disruptions during COVID-19 exposed vulnerabilities in relying too heavily on foreign suppliers. As a result, countries are reshoring industries deemed critical to national security— from semiconductors to pharmaceuticals.

For Canada, this trend underscores the importance of self-reliance. By investing in domestic industries— particularly those tied to critical resources like rare earth minerals—it can reduce dependence on volatile global markets while positioning itself as a key player in emerging sectors. The Canadian government has proposed legislative amendments to the Export and Import Permits Act to provide authority to restrict the import/export of items in response to acts of foreign states that could “harm Canada” or to create secure and reliable supply chains.

Currency wars between China and the U.S.

The current economic landscape is dominated by currency wars rather than traditional trade disputes. Hedge funds, which are now the main buyers of U.S. Treasuries (UST), are driving short-term volatility, making the Merrill Lynch Option Volatility Estimate (MOVE) index the key measure of market fear. This surpasses even the Chicago Board Options Exchange’s Volatility (VIX) index.

As U.S. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent faces the need to refinance approximately 30 per cent of the U.S.’s debt over the next 12-18 months, the focus shifts to sustaining debt rather than eliminating it. Investors should expect to see innovative ideas floated to try to deal with the upcoming refinancing wall. With China’s economy struggling in a debt-deflation cycle, a weaker U.S. dollar and lower interest rates are essential for reflation. The impending Bank of Canada’s quantitative easing, though not labelled as such, signals a broader trend of expanding balance sheets globally.

China’s economic stability is contingent on a Plaza Accord-like deal with the U.S., which would enable it to purchase more UST. As the dollar weakens, global liquidity increases, fostering a more harmonious recovery. The interplay between U.S. and Chinese policies is crucial, as both nations need to navigate this liquidity cycle effectively. With Japan’s yen also under pressure, the focus on currency valuation intensifies. Ultimately, debt sustainability and global currency dynamics will dictate future market behaviour.

As is often the case, the underlying plot is much different than many suggest, revealing complexities that challenge conventional perspectives on global economic relations. Some have conjectured that a possible solution would be the revaluation of gold to market valuation in order to buy China and the U.S. time, underscoring the logic of establishing a bitcoin strategic reserve. Global liquidity is desperately needed, and Bessent has indicated that leveraging the U.S. balance sheet and revaluing gold offers a viable solution in this context.

President Xi returns to his princeling roots

In macro investing, it’s crucial to set aside biases and adapt to significant policy shifts, such as Xi Jinping’s recent embrace of the private sector, specifically artificial intelligence (AI). As a Princeling, Xi’s support for private businesses and declining yields in China suggest a higher likelihood of a deal with Trump than the consensus anticipates. His call for private enterprises to “get rich first and then promote common prosperity” reflects a wealth redistribution strategy rooted in the 1970s economic reforms.

Given the changing environment, if investors consider allocating capital to China, they must weigh the risk of the Chinese Communist Party seeking control over artificial general intelligence (AGI) and question how long Xi will support the private sector. While tactical trades in Alibaba (BABA) and QWEB may offer short-term opportunities, they should be viewed as rentals rather than long-term investments. With expectations of significant stimulus and a potential Xi-Trump deal, it’s important to recognize that the cornerstone of Trump’s second term is peace, and his desire to cut deals suggests fears of a trade war may be overstated—Canada must take notice. In this charged political environment, investors should take Trump seriously, not literally, and quell their emotions by tuning out the noise to calmly evaluate the facts. There are deals to be had.

Energy: The key to AI supremacy

As the world hurtles into an era defined by AI, energy has become a critical asset. Training AI models and powering data centres require vast amounts of electricity, making cheap and reliable energy a strategic asset. Much of this energy comes from fossil fuels, natural gas and hydroelectric power—all of which are abundant in Canada.

One of Trump’s most underappreciated motives may be securing access to Canada’s cheap energy resources, part of his broader strategy to maintain America’s technological edge over rivals like China, whose rapid advancements in AI pose a direct challenge to America’s technological supremacy. By pressuring Canada on trade and energy policies, Trump could ensure a steady flow of resources while reducing costs for U.S.-based tech giants.

For Canada, this presents both an opportunity and a challenge. On one hand, its abundant oil sands, natural gas and hydroelectric capacity make it an indispensable partner in North America’s energy landscape, offering some bargaining power in trade negotiations—a reality Trump likely seeks to neutralize through tariffs and tough rhetoric. On the other hand, reliance on exporting raw resources leaves Canada vulnerable to external pressures.

To thrive in this new era, Canada must rethink its approach to energy policy. Instead of merely exporting resources, it should focus on building domestic industries that capitalize on cheap energy—such as AI research hubs or advanced manufacturing facilities. By doing so, Canada can move up the value chain and secure a stronger position in global markets.

Agriculture: Breaking free from protectionism

Another area ripe for reform is agriculture—specifically Canada’s supply management system for dairy, poultry, and eggs. This system imposes strict quotas on domestic production while slapping tariffs as high as 300 per cent on imports. While it protects farmers from foreign competition, it also inflates prices for consumers and stifles innovation.

Trump targeted supply management during the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA) negotiations because it represented an outdated protectionist policy incompatible with modern trade dynamics. But dismantling this system isn’t just about appeasing American demands—it’s about unlocking Canada’s economic potential.

By embracing agricultural reform and opening markets to competition, Canada can lower costs for consumers while creating opportunities for farmers to compete globally. This would also strengthen Canada’s negotiating position in future trade agreements by demonstrating a commitment to free-market principles.

A vision for Canada’s future and geo-strategic edge

Amid current challenges, Canada has a unique opportunity to redefine its role in the global economy through structural reforms focused on deregulation and private-sector growth. By streamlining excessive red tape, particularly in key sectors like energy and manufacturing, Canada can attract global capital and unleash its economic potential. Leveraging its vast natural resources, including oil sands and hydroelectric power, Canada can achieve energy independence while meeting the demand for clean technologies. Moreover, investing in critical minerals will make Canada a key supplier for green technologies, such as electric vehicles. Establishing innovation hubs powered by affordable energy will position Canada as a leader in AI, while modernizing agricultural supply management can lower costs for consumers and open new markets for farmers.

The concept of “Fortress North America,” championed by Alberta Premier Danielle Smith, aims to enhance trade, bolster energy security, and improve collaboration on defence and technology among Canada, the U.S., and Mexico. While Trump’s provocative remarks about using “economic force” to acquire Canada highlight the potential for deeper economic ties, they also underscore the broader trend toward regionalization in global trade.

To capitalize on its geo-strategic advantages, Canada must elevate commodities and their end products in trade negotiations. This focus can drive a renaissance in manufacturing and ancillary services and advance sustainability policies like methane capture. Geographic diversification is essential for derisking large-scale commodity projects and boosting exports to Asia and Europe. By strategically owning parts of the value chain, Canada can enhance its global profile, strengthen its leverage in trade negotiations, and build resilience against evolving global economic dynamics.

What does this mean for investors?

As market dynamics shift, declining capacity utilization and reduced work hours in the U.S. signal a weakening private sector, raising concerns about future economic growth. These indicators often precede rising unemployment, suggesting that businesses may be scaling back operations in anticipation of lower demand. Compounding this issue are record cuts in government spending implemented by the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE), which could create a growth scare in 2026 reminiscent of the post-Second World War era. Scott Bessent, and current and former governors of the Bank of Canada Tiff Macklem and Mark Carney have recently suggested that the economic growth we experienced the past few years is a mirage driven by excessive government spending, a view that we have held for many years. Notice currency and credit markets are already reacting with declining interest rates and a weakening U.S. Dollar index (DXY). A global wall of debt needs to be refinanced—the four-year credit cycle should not be ignored. This environment necessitates a global investment perspective, particularly for Canadian investors who often exhibit home bias.

As global allocators of capital, we are closely watching which direction Canada will take in the coming year. We advocate for a diversified portfolio focused on secular growth sectors, including pipelines, utilities, banks, and AI-driven industries. Gold and bitcoin are also compelling assets; especially as sovereign wealth funds begin accumulating them. China needs to reflate, a bazooka-sized stimulus would not surprise—exposure to Chinese equity markets should be considered. Our thesis suggests a return to classical economic principles, favouring reduced regulation and market-driven growth. By aligning with these trends, investors can capitalize on emerging opportunities.

The end of the post-Second World War order requires a strategic shift. Canada’s traditional industries are ripe for innovation, particularly in clean energy technologies and AI-driven resource management. Investors should align their portfolios with Canada’s priorities: deregulation, resource development, and technological innovation in areas like renewable energy and sustainable agriculture.

As we move through 2025, the potential policies of a second Trump administration recognize a shift from Keynes to Milton Friedman, easing concerns about deficits and inflation. This transition will enable the U.S. Federal Reserve to cut rates more aggressively, positively impacting risk assets. However, significant unknowns remain, particularly regarding market responses to reduced government spending, which may initially create growth fears.

A pro-growth, deregulatory policy environment, paired with tax cuts, should support expectations for noninflationary economic growth. Expect the U.S. dollar to gradually decline as these moderate policies take shape, with secular growth stocks likely outperforming until substantial evidence of change emerges.

As the federal funds rate normalizes toward around 2.75 per cent, keep an eye on Trump’s potential embrace of bitcoin, which could encourage its adoption as a reserve asset. In the commodities market, anticipate oil prices falling to around US$50 per barrel, contributing to disinflation. Given these dynamics, we target the S&P 500 at 7,000 in 2025.

Conclusion: A new era for Canada

The post-Second World War global order is collapsing under the weight of debt crises, protectionism, and shifting priorities. For Canada, clinging to outdated systems will only lead to stagnation. Instead, it must embrace bold reforms that align with the realities of today’s world.

By focusing on deregulation, energy independence, AI leadership, and resource development, Canada can transform itself into one of the wealthiest nations once again—a beacon of innovation and resilience in an uncertain era.

This moment demands vision and courage from Canadian leaders—not just incremental change but transformative action that positions the country as a global powerhouse. In doing so, Canada can not only weather the storm but emerge stronger than ever before—a testament to what is possible when old ways are abandoned in favour of bold new paths.

For Canadians willing to embrace change, the future is bright—and boundless. As Bismarck might say today: The great questions of our time will not be solved by clinging to past systems but by adapting boldly to new realities.

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May Market Insights: Mastery and the Terror Premium

Mastery of energy, again

Winston Churchill, as first lord of the Admiralty, tied Britain’s fate to Persian oil. United States President Donald Trump’s war in Iran, centred on Operation Epic Fury, could do the same for the West by removing Iran’s nuclear shadow, resetting oil toward US$60, and finally unlocking a modern peace dividend.

“Mastery itself was the prize of the venture.” Winston Churchill’s 1912–13 case for converting the Royal Navy from coal to oil—enshrined in historian Daniel Yergin’s The Prize: The Epic Quest for Oil, Money, and Power captured the brutal clarity of a great power energy strategy: accept dependence to command the seas. That wager framed the last century. In 2026, as Epic Fury grinds through the Gulf and Brent trades above US$100, the question is no longer whether oil confers mastery, but who holds it: a revolutionary theocracy astride the Strait of Hormuz, or a West intent on stripping the terror and nuclear risk now priced into every barrel out of the energy system—finally collecting a long‑deferred peace dividend.

Churchill’s shift bound Britain’s prosperity to distant wells and narrow waterways, welding energy supply to national survival. He understood that control of energy was not an adjunct to power, it was the metric. In April 2026, with Hormuz contested and Iranian missiles demonstrating reach beyond the Middle East, the same dilemma confronts policymakers and markets. Does the West still want that prize, and what is it prepared to stake to reclaim it from a regime that has spent half a century turning oil, terror, and nuclear brinkmanship into interchangeable tools of coercion? Assume Trump’s campaign does what it is now on course to do: not merely reopen a chokepoint, but neutralize a nascent tactical nuclear threat which, left intact, would hardwire a doomsday premium into global energy prices for a generation.

Iran’s war with the West has done what decades of shocks, embargoes, and “maximum pressure” could not: it has made the hidden tax on energy legible even on a Bloomberg screen. Strip out the terror and nuclear‑risk premiums in a post‑Trump‑Iran settlement, and Brent does not belong north of US$100; it sits much closer to the US$60 level implied by underlying supply and demand and pre‑war bank research. The gap between where oil trades in a world held hostage by a nuclear‑ambitious theocracy at Hormuz and where it would trade if flows were secure and de‑weaponized is more than a volatility surface. It is the unclaimed peace dividend of globalization, the energy market analogue of the windfall that followed the end of the Cold War, when the removal of an existential nuclear standoff released capital, confidence, and capacity back into the real economy.

The choice now facing the West is whether to lock in that outcome. Ending the Cold War removed the Sword of Damocles that had hung over every investment decision for half a century; a successful conclusion to Iran’s nuclear extortion would do something similar for the 21st‑century economy, collapsing a structural risk premium that has quietly taxed households, corporates, and sovereigns alike. The question, as Churchill would have recognized, is whether the West is prepared not just to win on the battlefield but to consolidate that victory into a new era of energy mastery, and to treat the potential verified removal of Iran’s enriched stockpile and fuel‑cycle capabilities as a security gain on the scale of the 1987 Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty or the dissolution of the Soviet arsenal.

For Europe, the stakes are not abstract. Iranian missiles and drones have already shown that European Union territory and NATO logistics hubs sit uncomfortably close to the new strike envelope, shattering the illusion that Gulf risk could be quarantined to energy prices alone. The deeper reckoning is with Europe’s own energy strategy. The choice by many Western governments to anchor industrial policy primarily on climate targets while neglecting cheap and secure supply—is now coming home to roost. Prosperity in an artificial intelligence (AI)‑driven economy rests on abundant, reliable energy rather than on cheap consumer imports, echoing Churchill’s insight that mastery of energy is mastery of power. That logic points north as well as east: Canada with its hydrocarbons, hydropower, and critical minerals—looks less like a peripheral supplier and more like a potential resource superpower if it can cut through regulatory thickets and build the infrastructure to deliver secure barrels, electrons, and metals to allied markets.

U.S. hard power, the security backstop European, Canadian, and the United Kingdom economies long treated as a law of nature, now looks more contingent, more politically conditional, and more thinly spread across theatres. One could easily imagine Washington reverting to a post‑First World War stance, turning inward to rebuild its real economy, and no longer willing or able to offer security as a global public good. A successful Trump‑led settlement that removes both the nuclear overhang and the Hormuz chokepoint as instruments of coercion would not only stabilize Atlantic world energy supply but also underwrite a more credible NATO deterrent at lower long‑run cost—replacing the ersatz “peace dividend” of underfunded defence with a genuine one built on reduced threat rather than wishful budgeting.

For investors, a decisive outcome in Iran would not just redraw maps in the Gulf; it would refashion term premia. As the nuclear and terror discounts bleed out of the curve, gilt yields and U.S. Treasuries alike would begin to reflect lower expected inflation and slimmer risk premia rather than recurring energy shocks. Credit spreads-particularly for energy‑intensive sectors and fragile sovereigns—would compress as balance of payments and default risks ease. Equity markets would reprice in turn: structurally lower input costs and a thinner geopolitical risk layer would lift margins in manufacturing, transport, and consumer names, even as oil majors and defence stocks surrender some of their crisis rent. For the Square Mile and Wall Street, the real prize is not another trade on US$120 Brent; it is the re‑rating that comes when a structural doomsday premium is finally taken out of the system and the peace dividend—deferred since the end of the Cold War and repeatedly eroded by Iran—at last starts to be paid in cash flows rather than communiqués.

Churchill’s ghost at Hormuz

On the first day of April 2026, as Brent traded just above US$100, the world was relearning what Churchill meant when he called mastery the prize. As first lord of the Admiralty, he forced the Royal Navy off domestic coal and onto Persian oil, then secured that lifeblood by buying control of Anglo‑Persian Oil. He knew the bargain: oil conferred speed and reach, but at the price of dependence on distant fields and fragile sea lanes. Hence his warning to Parliament in 1913 that “on no one quality, on no one process, on no one country, on no one route, and on no one field must we be dependent” and his insistence that safety and certainty in oil lay “in variety, and in variety alone.”

That decision created the modern energy system and placed Iran at its centre. Four decades later, as prime minister, Churchill confronted the second act of his own gamble when Iran’s prime minister Mohammad Mossadegh nationalized Anglo‑Iranian Oil Company’s assets. The 1953 coup that restored the Shah was less a morality play than a confirmation that control over Iranian oil would be contested by empires, nationalists, and, eventually, revolutionaries. Churchill’s instinct to secure supply at the source and to dominate the sea lanes that connected it to Britain established a strategic architecture with a simple premise: mastery of energy flows was indistinguishable from mastery of global power.

The twist came in 1979, when that architecture was seized by those it had previously constrained. The Iranian Revolution toppled the Shah and installed Ayatollah Khomeini’s theocracy—a regime that viewed the U.S. as the “Great Satan,” embraced terrorism as statecraft, and sat astride the Strait of Hormuz. Oil workers struck, production collapsed, and prices more than doubled. The world discovered that the geographic fulcrum Churchill had chosen could just as easily be pulled by a revolutionary fist. From that moment, the markets began to price an Iran terror premium. It was distinct from OPEC’s cartel pricing power or conventional war risk. It recognized that a state sponsor of terrorism—with a web of proxies and control over the narrow channel through which roughly a fifth of seaborne oil must pass—would periodically weaponize that position. Each tanker attack in the 1980s “Tanker War,” each Hezbollah bombing, each missile launched at a Gulf facility added a sliver to that premium. Over time, slivers hardened into a slab.

Churchill’s maxim was inverted. Variety still existed geologically, with new barrels from the North Sea, Alaska, and deepwater, but strategically the system was again anchored on a single actor most willing to turn energy into a cudgel. Where Churchill had sought safety through variety, the world lived with uncertainty concentrated in one revolutionary capital. And where he had seen mastery as the prize of bold, deliberate ventures, mastery of energy risk quietly migrated to a regime that treated terror as an operating model.

How terror became a line item

The terror premium is no longer an academic calculation; it is a visible spread. In calmer phases of the cycle, geopolitical risk barely nudges price forecasts. In crisis, as in early 2026, the gap between pre‑war expectations for oil and the levels seen when Hormuz is threatened yawns wider, and futures curves kink as traders try to price the possibility of disruption. Even if part of that is fear and temporality, the underlying message is obvious. There is a structural surcharge on every barrel to account for the probability that Tehran or one of its proxies will, at some point, take terrorist action.

That surcharge has a history. The 1973–74 oil embargo revealed how quickly geopolitics could quadruple prices, but Iran was then still an ally. The true discontinuity came with the 1979 revolution and the Iran‑Iraq War. The Tanker War saw mines in the Gulf, neutral shipping attacked, and U.S. naval forces drawn in to reflag and escort tankers. Washington’s 1984 decision to designate Iran a state sponsor of terrorism, off the back of Hezbollah’s bombing of U.S. Marines in Beirut, made explicit what markets had intuited: one of the central suppliers to the system was also its most committed saboteur.

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Highlights from the 2026 Spring Economic Update

On April 28, 2026, Finance and National Revenue Minister François-Philippe Champagne released the 2026
Spring Economic Update (the Update). This was the first spring economic update after the federal budget was
moved to the fall in 2025. In the absence of a federal budget earlier this year and with the recent shift to a
majority government, Canadians have been awaiting clear direction on the federal government’s policy
focus and anticipated initiatives. Overall, the Update introduces relatively little that had not been previously
announced, while showing an improved fiscal outlook, with the projected deficit declining despite $37.5 billion
in net new spending.

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April Market Insights: Bretton Woods 2.0, the New Great Game, and Trump

U.S. President Donald Trump’s second term is not just another burst of tariff theatre; it is the opening move in a new great game over energy, artificial intelligence (AI), and money. By neutralizing Iran and Venezuela, squeezing Cuba, binding Canada, and courting Russia, Washington is trying to re-anchor oil in U.S. dollars and push BRICS’ [1] monetary ambitions to the margins. Layered on top are digital rails—dollar-backed stablecoins, tokenized Treasuries, gold, and even a strategic bitcoin reserve—designed to harden, not retire, King Dollar. If it works, Bretton Woods 2.0 will arrive not as a conference, but as the unannounced sequel to a crisis-ridden decade, with the U.S. once again writing the rules.

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March Market Insights: There is no Bronze Medal

“There’s only two cultures that are going to win in the next year. It’s going to be us or China.” The subtext of Palantir CEO Alex Karp’s widely cited speech from late 2025 sounds like tech‑bro theatre until you reflect on it. In artificial intelligence, there is no bronze medal. There will be a hegemon and a runner‑up. Everyone else will be a client.

Markets are not pricing that reality. Investors still treat the AI build-out as marginal cloud spend or another overhyped software cycle. They debate whether Big Tech is “exhausting its available capital” or whether capex “must mean revert,” as if infrastructure were optional and competition courteous. They are using valuation models from the wrong century for the wrong game.

AI is not an app store. It is a weapon system—and the operating system of the next industrial era. The capital going into it is not a bubble. It is rearmament.

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